Paperback edition. 134 pages + 23 black & white photos
This book is not only for Orthodox and non-Orthodox persons, but for any one who shares an interest in the life, death, and martyrdom of the Holy Tsar-Martyr Nicholas II.
An illustrated Introduction by independent researcher Paul Gilbert explores the piety of Nicholas II, and his devotion to the Russian Orthodox Church, which reached its fullest development and power, during his 22-year reign.
This book further examines the trials and tribulations the Tsar endured, which later led to his canonization by the Russian Orthodox Church.
This unique collection of writings helps dispel many of the negative myths which persist to this very day, a must read for any one who seeks to learn the truth about Nicholas II.
Gilbert has compiled this collection of writings as part of his mission to clear the name of Russia’s much slandered Tsar, and my own personal journey to Orthodoxy.
On 19th February, a unique exhibition Tsar’s Departure, dedicated to the 115th anniversary of His Imperial Majesty’s Own Garage, will open in the Special Purpose Garage Museum in Moscow.
His Imperial Majesty’s Own Garage existed for only 10 years, but during that time managed to collect an impressive collection of 56 automobiles which served the last Russian emperor Nicholas II, his family and retinue. None of the European monarchs could boast of such an impressive fleet of vehicles.
Unique motorcars from the reign of Nicholas II will be presented as part of an exposition which tells about the auto-craze that swept Russia in the early twentieth century, among the key events of which were races for the Imperial Prize, the first Russian automobile salons, Nicholas II’s trips by motorcar around the country, the work of the assembly shops of the Russian-Baltic Plant, front-line everyday life of an automobile company and many others.
The exhibits have been collected from museum and private collections in Russia and Europe, including the little-known Museum of Emperor Nicholas II in Moscow.
Among the retro legendson display are a Serpollet steam car; a two-seater racing Benz; a cannon that defended the headquarters of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief in Mogilev; the workhorse of World War I, the White TAD; the domestic automobile brand “Russo-Balt”; the magnificent Hispano-Suiza; a high-speed Berliet; an elegant Studebaker; a luxurious Rolls-Royce; a De Dion-Bouton, popular at the beginning of the 20th century; a sophisticated Renault; among others.
In addition are large-scale full-colour photo panels, luxurious Imperial motorcars, rare vintage newsreels, authentic items of palace life, historical costumes and previously unpublished documents bring to life, the atmosphere of a bygone era.
The exhibition Tsar’s Departure runs from 19th February to 17th April 2022, in the Special Purpose Garage [Pavilion No. 53] at the All-Russian Exhibition Center (VDNKh) in Moscow.
PHOTO: early 20th century view of His Imperial Majesty’s Own Garage, Moscow
Facts about His Imperial Majesty’s Own Garage
* Emperor Nicholas II’s collection of more than 50 vehicles, were housed in 4 Imperial Garages: Moscow, the Winter Palace (St. Petersburg), Tsarskoye Selo and Livadia.
The “founding fathers” of His Imperial Majesty’s Own Garage were the Minister of the Imperial Court, Count Vladimir Fredericks (1838-1927), and the Adjutant Wing Prince Vladimir Orlov(1868-1927). The first automobile appeared in Tsarskoye Selo at the beginning of 1906: the French Delaunay-Belleville with a triple phaeton body, and soon complemented with four Mercedes.
* In mid-1906, the Imperial Driver School was opened at the garage. In fact, it was the first driving school in Russia. Empress Alexandra Feodorovna herself attached great importance to the uniforms worn by drivers and mechanics. She created sketches with her own hand, designing uniforms based on a footman’s livery adorned with gold cords.
* Drivers, mechanics and “soapmen” (car washers) did not appreciate being treated like lackeys and servants, but were forced to wear their uniforms. Their struggle continued, and in the end, the drivers won. In 1910, their new uniform – approved by the Emperor – resembled the uniforms of military officials: khaki colours, lace-up leather boots, leggings.
* Court chauffeurs in fur hats could easily be mistaken for senior officers and they were paid well. The senior driver received 2,600 rubles a year (for comparison: the annual salary of a university professor was 3,000 rubles), a third-class driver – 780 rubles a year.
* On March 2, 1917, Emperor Nicholas II signed his abdication. This ended the story of His Imperial Majesty’s Own Garage. All property of the imperial family passed into the disposal of the Provisional Government, including the garage. In addition to a change in management, the garage managed to avoid significant personnel changes.
* As a result of the October Revolution of 1917, the Autobase of the Provisional Government was nationalized and transferred to the disposal of the Bolsheviks. Lenin himself wasted little time in taking first pick from the Tsar’s collection of fine automobiles. His first trip in a Turcat-Méry automobile took place on 27th October 1917. Many employees of the Imperial Garage and the Autobase of the Provisional Government continued to work for the Bolsheviks.
PHOTO: Nicholas II and Alexandra Feodorovna riding in the Tsar’s favourite motorcar, a Delaunay Belleville
Russia’s automotive industry began to develop during the reign of Nicholas II
In the early 20th century, automobiles soon became part of the everyday life of the Tsar and his family. This is thanks to the initiative of Prince Vladimir Nikolayevich Orlov (1868-1927), who in 1904 arrived at the Alexander Palace for the first time in his Delaunay-Belleville
He invited the Emperor on several motor trips, driven by Orlov himself. After his first trip around the square in front of the palace, the Emperor invited Empress Alexandra to join them.
From that time on, Prince Orlov and Adolfe Kegresse (1879-1943) became the Emperor’s personal chauffeurs.
PHOTO: Emperor Nicholas II at the opening of the 4th International Automobile Exhibition at the Mikhailovsky Manege. St. Petersburg, 1913
On 19th May 1907, the 1st International Automobile Exhibition opened at the Mikhailovsky Manege in St. Petersburg.
The aim of the exhibition was to showcase the growing popularity of the Russian and foreign automotive industry, and the development of the domestic automotive market.
The exhibition attracted major automotive manufacturers from all over Europe and America. The French automotive industry was represented by 30 enterprises, and Germany by 13 firms. Manufacturers from the USA, England, Austria-Hungary, Denmark, Belgium, Switzerland, and Italy also took part.
The Russian automotive industry was represented by no less than 37 enterprises, companies and firms.
The success and sales of automobiles in Russia was no doubt fueled by Emperor Nicholas II, who had an impressive collection of more than 50 automobiles, housed in 5 Imperial Garages: Moscow, the Winter Palace (St. Petersburg), Tsarskoye Selo, Livadia and later in Mogilev (1915-1917).
Representatives of the Romanov Memorial Charitable Foundation in Ekaterinburg, now fear that the diocese could destroy the original appearance of Porosenkov Log, the spot were the remains of Emperor Nicholas II, his wife, three children and four retainers were discovered in 1991. The remains of Tsesarevich Alexei and his sister Maria were discovered in a nearby separate grave in 2007.
According to Ilya Korovin, Director of the Romanov Memorial Charitable Foundation , Porosenkov Log is the only place in Ekaterinburg connected with the Imperial Family’s final days, which has survived to this day unchanged. “In Ganina Yama, unlike the Porosenkov Log, visitors cannot see the territory as it looked in 1918. Of course, with the recognition of the remains, the question of the future fate of the memorial will arise,” he said during a recent press conference.
As an argument, representatives of the fund cite the fact that in March 2016 the Ekaterinburg Diocese asked for a plot of land at Porosenkov Log, made a request to the Ministry of Culture of the Sverdlovsk Region for the transfer of the territory in and around Porosyonkov Log (added to the cultural heritage list in 2014), transferred to the ROC, to be designated as sacred land and where a memorial and monastery, similar to that at Ganina Yama would be constructed.
The Governor of Sveredlovsk Yevgeny Kuyvashev suspended the process of allocating land for an indefinite period. “Knowing the methods of preserving and developing memorial sites by the Russian Orthodox Church, one can come to the disappointing conclusion that Porosenkov Log will undergo catastrophic changes,” Korovin said. Korovin also noted that the territory of the Railway Forest Park, where the Romanov Memorial is located, is also subject to future development.
Representatives of the Romanov Memorial also added that, previously in 2007-2010 the Russian Orthodox Church planned to seize the territory in the area of the Old Koptyakovskaya Road, partially cut down the forest, in order to build a cemetery and an Orthodox church. Again, the Sverdlovsk authorities were forced to intervene in order to end the conflict.
Sergei Chapnin, a member and expert of the Romanov Memorial Charitable Foundation, believes that Porosenkov Log is a civil memorial and this section of the old Koptyakovskaya Road must be kept intact.
Local Ekaterinburg historian Nikolai Neuimin notes, “if the Bishops Council recognizes that the remains of the Nicholas II and his family are authentic, then it turns out that the Monastery of the Holy Royal Martyrs should not have been built at Ganina Yama, the place where the regicides tried to bury the bodies for the first time. The bones lay there for only a day and a half, while the remains were reburied 3.5 km away in two separate graves in what is today known as Porosenkov Log. As Ganina Yama is the main place of pilgrimage for Orthodox Christians, no one will demolish or move the seven churches, even if it turns out that the remains in the Porosenkov Log are indeed genuine,” he added.
Chapnin, among others, believe that the recognition by the ROC of the Ekaterinburg will most certainly create a schism within the church. The ROC will be forced to acknowledge that for more than 100 years, they were wrong. This in itself may be perceived by many as a great embarrassment and humiliation to the church.
“Not every one in the church is ready to recognize the authenticity of the remains. Accepting the new reality will be quite difficult,” he added.
PHOTO: Emperor Nicholas II with members of His Imperial Majesty’s Own Convoy – the Cossack unit which served as the Tsar’s elite guard – set against the backdrop of the Imperial Train.
Fate entrusted the Russian Empire to Nicholas II during very troubled times – terrorists, political unrest, revolution and war. Under such conditions, the life of the sovereign was constantly in danger, and therefore his protection was a priority.
PHOTO: Tsuda Sanzo attacks the Tsesarevich in Otsu, Japan, on 11th May 1891
First of all – safety
While he was Tsesarevich [from 1881-1894], Nicholas Alexandrovich experienced first-hand the danger of not only being a member of the Imperial Family, but also as heir to the Russian throne. During a trip to Japan in 1891, he was attacked by one of his escorting policemen Tsuda Sanzō (1855-1891), who swung at the Tsesarevich’s face with a sabre, leaving a 9 cm. long scar on the right side of his forehead. The quick action of Nicholas’s cousin, Prince George of Greece and Denmark (1869-1957), who parried the assassin’s second blow with his cane, saved his life. While revolutionaries were constantly plotting to assassinate the Tsar during his reign [1894-1917], the incident in Otsu turned out to be the first and last attempt on his life.
In March 1881, Nicholas remembered all to well the risks of wearing the crown, as he stood at the bedside of his grandfather, Emperor Alexander II, who lay bleeding on a sofa in the Winter Palace—the victim of revolutionaries. This lesson of history had not been in vain. The Tsesarevich received his first guard in 1889, when he took command of a company of the Preobrazhensky Regiment. But after his accession to the throne in 1894, the safety of His Majesty’s life acquired special significance. The new Emperor used the well-established methods of protection which had developed under his father Alexander III, following an attempt on his life in 1887.
PHOTO: Emperor Nicholas II and Tsesarevich Alexei Nikolaevich with officers of His Imperial Majesty’s Own Convoy
Protection methods
During Nicholas II’s reign, his personal bodyguards were not enough to protect him from the political terror which was gaining strength in the country, therefore, a complex security system had to be developed, the main task of which was to prevent an attempt on the life of the Tsar. A Cossack convoy, an infantry company, a railway regiment, the Palace Police, a Special Security Detachment, as well as a large number of civilian agents were entrusted with the safety and security of the Imperial Family day and night.
Each of the security units formed their own methods to ensure the Tsar’s safety. Take the Palace Police. Within the Imperial Residences, they were posted in the palace corridors in such a way that members of the Imperial Family leaving their private quarters always fell into the field of view of the guards. If the Tsar embarked on a long walk, he remained within the field of view of a string of guards strategically placed along the route.
Moreover, specially trained dogs, German Shepherds and Dobermans, guarded the park areas, and additional guard posts were located along the perimeter of the palaces, dachas and hunting lodges. Anyone who came to the Imperial residence or its environs, when the Tsar was in residence, was required to report to the Registration Bureau within 24 hours to confirm their identity.
The men who served in the Imperial Guard were carefully selected. For example, before recruiting a Cossack into a convoy, the commanders traveled around the Kuban and Terek villages in the Caucasus, looking for the most suitable candidates. The following physical and personal qualities were required: a strong physique, height not less than 180 cm. [5 ft. 9 in.], a quick wit, devotion to the Tsar and the ability to get along with officers and fellow guards.
Service in the Imperial Guard was considered a very prestigious position, however, it came at a price. By the time of retirement, it was common that a former guard had developed a whole range of occupational diseases – rheumatism, tuberculosis, chronic broncitis or nerve disorders.
PHOTO: a group of policemen at the Small Entrance of the Winter Palace. Early 1900s.
Close to the person
Innate qualities were not enough to get enlisted into the ranks of the Palace Police – candidates were required to undergo extensive gendarmerie training. A specialist in the field of security and investigation, Alexander Ivanovich Spiridovich (1873-1952), had developed an excellent school of gendarmerie training.
Spiridovich, who served as the personal security chief for the Tsar and his family from 1906-1916, and who was also responsible for the security of the tsar’s residences. He is considered perhaps the most important figure who ensured the safety and security of Nicholas II.
The Palace Police could not always guarantee the safety of the Tsar, especially in the period which followed the 1905 Revolution. To accompany the Emperor on his trips in 1906, by order of the Palace Commandant Major General Dmitry Fedorovich Trepov, a Special Guard Detachment was created, headed by Spiridovich. Trepov died on 2nd September 1906, he was replaced by Vladimir Alexandrovich Dedulin.
The duties of the head of the Special Detachment included a detailed study of the proposed route to be taken by the Sovereign. Spiridovich sent his men ahead, making it very clear to make their presence along the route unnoticed by the Tsar – as he knew the negative attitude of Nicholas II to the obvious appearance of representatives of the Secret Police.
Spiridovich was also aware of the operational work of the Social Revolutionary terrorist groups. He acted calmly and prudently so as not to frighten away the most active and dangerous members. His most successful operation was the uncovering of a conspiracy to assassinate the Emperor. The terrorists intended to carry out a boldly bold plan – to detonate a bomb under the office of Nicholas II, but its result was the execution of the main instigators of the conspiracy.
The Emperor, treated Spiridovich with great respect and confidence. This is evidenced by a whole series of photographs taken by the head of the Special Detachment – he practically became the Imperial Family’s official photographer. In gratitude for his faithful service, Nicholas II awarded Spiridovich the rank of colonel.
PHOTOS: Major General Dmitry Fedorovich Trepov (left); Adjutant General Vladimir Alexandrovich Dedulin, commandant of the Winter Palace from 1906 to 1913 (center); Police chief of the Winter Palace I. A. Dobrovolsky (right)
“Personal”
In a vintage newsreel, which depicts Nicholas II and Alexandra Feodorovna, during a procession in the Moscow Kremlin in 1912, one cannot fail to notice a tall Cossack, carefully carrying Tsesarevich Alexei in his arms. This is Alexei Petrovich Pilipenko(1887-????), who served in His Majesty’s Own Convoy, and was also an orderly and personal bodyguard of Nicholas II.
With the outbreak of the First World War, the devoted servant Pilipenko, along with a platoon of Cossacks, accompanied the Emperor when visiting Stavka the General Headquarters of the Imperial Russian Armed Forces. He turned out to be the last of the guards entrusted to protecting Nicholas II. From December 1916 he was constantly with the Emperor in the Alexander Palace at Tsarskoye Selo, but on 1st April 1917 – during the Tsar’s house arrest – they were destined to say goodbye forever.
Another well-known person protecting the Tsar was the Cossack and well-aimed shooter Timofey Ksenofontovich Yashchik (1878-1946), who for two years – from 1914 to 1916 – served and travelled with the Sovereign during the latters visits to the front-line. In early 1916, he became the personal bodyguard for the Dowager Empress Dowager Maria Feodorovna.
After the abdication of the throne, Nicholas II did not lose his guard, but a guard of a completely different kind was assigned to him – their task was not so much to protect the former Tsar from assassination attempts, but to protect him from the raging and unpredictable crowds of the revolutionaries and their supporters.
With the advent of Soviet power, the main task of the guards was to prevent the release of the Tsar, which they feared could lead to the restoration of the monarchy. Once in 1905, Nicholas II was present at the fireworks at the Winter Palace, which was made from the guns of the Peter and Paul Fortress. The buckshot, which accidentally turned out to be loaded with one of the guns, landed next to the pavilion where the Emperor was standing. The clergy, retinue, guards, who were located near the Tsar, were quite shaken by the incident. Only the Emperor himself turned out to be imperturbable, saying: “I am not afraid of anything.” Surprisingly, with such fatalism, Nicholas II was absolutely calm about all the security measures taken during the period of his reign.
Further Reading
The most comprehensive study of the security of Tsar Nicholas II, his family, and the Imperial Residences, are the personal memoirs of Alexander Ivanovich Spiridovich (1873-1952), Last Years of the Court at Tsarskoe Selo, in two volumes. Copies of the first English translation of these volumes are avaailable from AMAZON – CLICK on the LINK(S) below for full details and to order copies:
It was Peter the Great who started the tradition of marriages with German princesses, which was continued by his successors. This is explained both by the religious issue – Protestants easily accepted Orthodoxy, unlike Catholic princesses – and by political unions, because the German principalities were the closest neighbours of the Russian Empire. The only exception was Emperor Alexander III, who married a Danish princess.
When Tsesarevich Nicholas Alexandrovich – the future Emperor Nicholas II – fell passionately in love with Princess Alice of Hesse-Darmstadt, he received an unexpected rebuff from his parents, who had their own arguments against such a union. At the end of the 19th century, Russia once again changed its foreign policy ally – France replaced Germany and Austria.
This political union was the main project of Alexander III, who began cordial relations with France, eventually entering into an alliance with the French in 1892. Best of all, an alliance would strengthen a marriage. And although France at that time was already a republic, she could offer Princess Hélène of Orleans (1871-1951), a representative of the Orleans branch of the Bourbon dynasty, as a bride. Hélène was the third of eight children born to Prince Philippe, Count of Paris, and Infanta Maria Isabel of Spain.
Moreover, the fact that the princess did not belong to a ruling house was considered as a plus, because in this case she would not be able to influence her husband in the interests of her family. And Empress Maria Feodorovna, being a Dane, simply did not want to see a German princess as her daughter-in-law. She held strong militant anti-German sentiment because of the annexation of Danish territories by Prussia in 1864.
Therefore, Hélène had long been considered the main contender for the crown of the Russian Empress. Hélène of Orleans was known for her beauty, knew several languages, and she loved sports. Journalists referred to her as a model of women’s health and beauty. Of course, one can only speculate whether Nicholas’s marriage with Hélène would have changed the course of Russia’s history?
For one, Hélène would not have passed on to her children, namely, her son, the haemophilia gene, which played a fatal role in the history of the Russian Imperial Family. It was Alexei’s morbidity that led the odious Rasputin to the pinnacle of power. Empress Alexandra Feodorovna, trusting the elder with the most valuable thing – her son. According to some historians, the Empress began to consult with him in those matters where he could not be competent in any way, often influencing her husband. Nicholas adored his wife too much to ignore many of her requests.
Historians believe, that if he had treated his wife more calmly, he could make decisions on his own and remain calm in acute situations. In addition, Hélène was French, and would not have caused such antipathy as the German Alexandra Feodorovna, when in 1914 Russia entered the war against Austria and Germany.
Nicholas, never pursued his parents choice for the French princess as a bride, as he was already in love with Princess Alix of Hesse. It is quite possible, that the strong willed Alexander III could have forced his son to marry Hélène, but his health failed him. Fearing that he would not have time to marry his son personally, and feeling completely ill, he yielded to Nicholas request to marry the woman he loved. The subsequent events are known, but Alexandra Feodorovna was never able to please either the court, or the people, or the relatives of her beloved husband.
Hélène of Orleans eventually married Prince Emmanuel Philibert of Savoy, cousin of King Victor Emmanuel of Italy. In marriage, she gave birth to two sons, was engaged in charity, left many travel notes on her travels in Europe and Africa. She outlived Nicholas II , her husband and both her sons. She died on 21st January 1951 (aged 79), in Castellammare di Stabia, Italy.
On 6th February 2022, a new exhibition: Sacrilege: on the 100th Anniversary of the Beginning of the Campaign to Confiscate Church Valuables, opened in Ekaterinburg. The exhibition is timed to the 104th anniversary of the 1918 Decree on the Separation of Church and State in Bolshevik Russia.
The venue for the exhibition is the Museum of the Holy Royal Family, situated in the Patriarchal Compound, and runs until 6th February 2023.
The exhibition explores the Bolshevik campaign to confiscate church valuables in 1918. Resistance by the faithful was met with arrests, mock trials of the clergy, as a result of which many priests and nuns were shot.
The exhibition presents liturgical items damaged during the years of Soviet power, damaged icons, liturgical and religious literature, secretly hidden during the years of Soviet power between the covers of Soviet books, and other items related to the history of the Church in the atheistic years. A collection of photographs provide evidence of the churches and monasteries destroyed and desecrated during the Bolshevik and later Soviet years.
***
According to Nathaniel Davis’s A Long Walk to Church: A Contemporary History of Russian Orthodoxy, the ROC had only about 200-300 active parishes in the Soviet Union by 1939; before the revolution there had been roughly 50,000.
The Decree on the Separation of Church and State was an act adopted by the Council of People’s Commissars of the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic on 3rd February [O.S. 20th January]. The edict was signed by Vladimir Lenin, and came into force four days later on 6th February [O.S. 23rd January] 1918.
The Decree declared all Church property to be the property of the state. Sanctioned by this licence, Bolshevik squads went around the country desecrating and looting churches and monasteries, mocking religion and religious people unmercifully, even murdering priests, monks and other believers by the thousands.
It installed the secular nature of the state power, proclaimed the freedom of conscience and religion; religious organizations were deprived of any property rights and the rights of a legal entity. It laid the foundation for the deployment of atheistic propaganda and atheistic education
The following images depict atheist Bolsheviks thugs desecrating and looting Russia’s churches:
On 24th January, the Interfax news agency announced that “The Russian Imperial House will support a Russian Orthodox Church decision to recognize the authenticity of the remains of the last Russian emperor, Nicholas II, and members of his family.”
Today’s so-called “Russian Imperial House” is “headed” by Princess Maria Vladimirovna, the Spanish-born granddaughter of Grand Duke Kirill Vladimirovich, a coward who lacked a moral compass and a traitor to Nicholas II and the Russian Empire.
According the Robert K. Massie, following the discovery of the remains of Emperor Nicholas II and most of his immediate family in 1991, Maria Vladimirovna wrote to President Boris Yeltsin (1931-2007) regarding the burial of the remains, saying of her Romanov cousins, whom she does not recognise as members of the “Imperial House” (including the grandchildren of Nicholas II’s sister Grand Duchess Xenia), that they “do not have the slightest right to speak their mind and wishes on this question. They can only go and pray at the grave, as can any other Russian, who so wishes”.[1]
She has also said, regarding her Romanov relations, that “My feeling about them is that now that something important is happening in Russia, they suddenly have awakened and said, ‘Ah ha! There might be something to gain out of this.”
At the behest of the Russian Orthodox Church, Maria did not recognise the authenticity of the remains and declined to attend the reburial ceremony in 1998, however according to Victor Aksyuchits, ex-advisor of Boris Nemtsov[2], the exact reason behind Maria’s absentance at the state burial for Nicholas II and his family in 1998 was motivated by the Russian government’s refusal to recognize her status as official Head of the Romanov House[3], after requesting such via a letter prior the funeral ceremony.
Despite Maria’s protests, President Boris Yeltsin and his wife attended the funeral along with more than 50 Romanov descendants[4] from all over the world, including Prince Michael of Kent. Members of the self-proclaimed “The Russian Imperial House”- which included Maria Vladimirovna, her son George Hohenzollern, and her mother Leonida Georgievna – were no where to be seen.
Instead, Patriarch Alexei II (1929-2008), Maria Vladimirovna, her son George Hohenzollern, and her mother Leonida Georgievna (1914-2010) attended a liturgy at the Trinity Lavra of St. Sergius, the most important Russian monastery and the spiritual centre of the Russian Orthodox Church, situated in the town of Sergiyev Posad, about 70 km north-east of Moscow.
The Holy Synod opposed the government’s decision in February 1998 to bury the remains in the Peter and Paul Fortress, preferring a “symbolic” grave until their authenticity had been resolved. As a result, when they were interred on 17th July 1998, they were referred to by the priest conducting the service as “Christian victims of the Revolution” rather than the Emperor and members of his family. Patriarch Alexei II, who felt that the Church was sidelined in the investigation, refused to officiate at the burial and banned bishops from taking part in the funeral ceremony.
So, why has it taken so long for Maria Vladimirovna to acknowledge the authenticity of the Ekaterinburg Remains?[5] Accoring to Alexander Zakatov, who serves as Maria’s senior mouth piece and head of her “chancellery” in Moscow: “The Russian Imperial House – the house, not some private individuals variously related[6] – has always said: we neither affirm not deny the authenticity of the remains but are waiting for the Church’s Council to determine. Once it has done so, the Imperial House will perceive it with joy,” he said.
Maria Vladimirovna has continually claimed that “Neither I nor my son are involved in politics” – she wouldn’t dare! She would never dare speak out against either the Church or Putin. If she challenged or criticized the former, she would no doubt face the wrath of the Church. Likewise, if she challenged or criticized the latter, she would most likely be made persona non grata in Russia.
Maria Vladimirovna’s comments this week are of course political. As she has accused her relatives in the past, perhaps, she also believes ” ‘Ah ha! There might be something to gain out of this!”
NOTES:
[1] Massie, Robert. The Romanovs. The Final Chapter. New York: Random House, 1995
[2] Boris Yefimovich Nemtsov (1959-2015) was one of the most important figures in the introduction of reforms into the Russian post-Soviet economy. Nemtsov, who served as Deputy Prime Minister under President Boris Yeltsin, was charged with organizing the funeral of Nicholas II and his family in 1998. From 2000 until his death, he was an outspoken critic of Vladimir Putin. Nemtsov was assassinated on 27th February 2015, beside his Ukrainian partner Anna Durytska, on a bridge near the Kremlin in Moscow, with four shots fired from the back.
[3] In addition, many people continue to ask “why”, this woman who claims such an important title continues to live in Madrid, rather than move to Russia. The answer is again motivated by the Russian government’s refusal to recognize her status as official “Head” of the House of Romanov.
[4] At the time of the funeral, Prince Nicholas Romanovich (1922-2014) was recognized by all the living Romanov descandents as the Head of the Romanov Family, with the exception of Maria Vladimirovna, her son George Hohenzollern, and her mother Leonida Georgievna.
[5] It is interesting to note that while Maria has visited the Monastery of the Holy Royal Martyrs at Ganina Yama, and attended the Patriarchal Liturgy held on 17th July 2018, in Ekaterinburg, she has never visited the Romanov Memorial at Porosenkov Log, where the remains of Nicholas II, his wife and three of their five children were discovered in 1991, and the remains of Tsesarevich Alexei and his sister Grand Duchess Maria were discovered in 2007.
[6] Zakatov is referring to Maria Vladimirovna’s Romanov relations, who are scattered across the globe, and for whom she continually holds in contempt, due to morganatic marriages since 1917, thus she believes that they are beneath her “status” as the self-proclaimed “head” of the now non-existent “Russian Imperial House”. Maria Vladimirovna has many detractors, all of whom refuse to recognize her claim, given that her parents [Vladimir Kirillovich and the divorced Leonida Kirby] married morganatically, and that she is the direct descandant of Grand Duke Kirill Vladimirovich.
PHOTO: this contemporary colourized view of the western facadeofthe Winter Palace, does not reflect the actual terracotta-red hue, however, it does gives an idea of the palace’s facade, as it lookedin the early 20th century
During its 250+ year history, the Winter Palace in St. Petersburg has been repainted many times, in a variety of ochre colours and various densities. The colour of the facades of the Winter Palace changed radically at the beginning of the 20th century. It was in 1897, that Emperor Nicholas II approved the project for a new colour of the facades of the Winter Palace. A terracota brick-red hue was chosen, to match the red sandstone colour of the new fence of Her Majesty’s Own Garden.
The Emperor’s decision was carried out in 1901 after the construction of the fence of Her Majesty’s Own Garden was completed. In April 1901, the architect Nikolai Ivanovich Kramskoy (1865-1938) presented an estimate for 15,639 rubles. “for the project of painting the Imperial Winter Palace in the colours of the new garden fence”. On the project and estimate he wrote: “Highly approved. I was ordered to start painting immediately!” The tender for repair work was awarded to Kruglov, a contractor who was paid 29,467 rubles, which included “to scrape, grind and clean off the walls of the facades, external and outward, the drum of the dome, towers and chimneys”, and then paint all the indicated areas.
Aside from the Winter Palace, all the buildings on Palace Square were painted in the same brick-red colour, including the 580 m [1,902 ft.] long bow-shaped General Staff Building and the Headquarters of the Guards Corps, which, created a complete ensemble of the historic square.
According to the architects of the time, as a result of the Emperor’s decision, the unique buildings of the Palace Square ensemble, diverse in their construction, contributed to a “unity of perception and merged into a monochrome terracotta-brick colouristic mass”.
PHOTO: Emperor Nicholas II leaves the Winter Palace (1896). The dark shades on the pillars and canopy reflect the buildings’ terracotta-red hue.
In early 20th century black and white photos, one can clearly see the dark coloured facades of the Winter Palace [see photo above]. In addition, colour postcards [see below] from the time, also provide a good example of the colour.
Not all Petersburgers liked the gloomy brick/terracotta-red façade that had been adopted under Nicholas II. The public turned to the Emperor in an effort to persuade him to change the colour scheme of the Winter Palace. However, Nicholas II rejected their proposals.
Under the last Tsar, the white stone statues were also replaced with dark ones made of copper. Before that, the palace featured yellow-ochre façades in various shades depicted in watercolours, fragments of which have been uncovered during architectural stripping operations.
PHOTOS: early 20th century postcards of the Winter Palace
PHOTO: early 20th century postcard of the western facade of the Winter Palace and Her Majesty’s Own Garden. The private apartments of Nicholas II and Alexandra Feodorovna were located in the northwestern part [to the left, but not seen in the photo above] of the palace
In June 1911, Minister of the Imperial Court Count Vladimir Frederiks (1838-1927) expressed his desire that the Imperial Winter Palace be painted in a lighter hue than that of its current colour. The minister requested that samples of the palace colouring, be presented to him in order to approve one of them.
As there were no colour photographs of the Winter Palace as it looked in 1911, we rely on one observer of the time, who provided an idea of the colour of the palace: “The colour scheme differs in its composition from the approved colour scheme of 1901 in a more pinkish colour, but in terms of density of its composition it is denser than the old colour scheme”.
So, in October 1917, the Winter Palace was not “revolutionary red”, but in a somewhat dubious pinkish one. However, even with all these dubious nuances, the monochrome of the palace, was preserved in full.
PHOTO: watercolour of the Winter Palace, painted by the famous Russian artist Alexandre Benois (1870-1960) in 1939, when he was living in exile in Paris. Note that the canopied balconies; the wall and iron grid fencing surrounding Her Majesty’s Own Garden have by now been removed.
The red colour facades of the Winter Palace remained through the revolution and the early Soviet period in the 1930s. Following restoration work on the palace after World War II, it was painted green (turquoise) with the ornaments depicted in white, the standard Soviet colour scheme for Baroque buildings.
In January 2022, the State Hermitage Museum announced that the restoration of the facades of the former Winter Palace is scheduled for 2023. No change of colour scheme is envisaged, but, as with previous restorations, a lighter “pastel” shade of green will be selected in keeping with St Petersburg traditions.
PHOTO: view of the Winter Palace from the Palace Embankment, as it looked in 1913. The dark shades on the buildings’ facade reflect the buildings’ terracotta-red hue.
The Russian Orthodox Church has no doubts about the authenticity of the remains of Emperor Nicholas II and his family, found near Ekaterinburg. Nothing prevents the recognition of their authenticity, Metropolitan Hilarion emphasized during an interview held today, on the program Church and World on the Russia 24 TV channel.
The head of the Synodal Department for External Church Relations of the Russian Orthodox Church added: “In my opinion, nothing today prevents the recognition of the authenticity of the Ekaterinburg Remains, but in order for them to be recognized as authentic, a conciliar decision of the Church is needed.”
This decision must be made by the highest leadership of the Church, and the highest leadership is the Council of Bishops of the Russian Orthodox Church, he explained. Metropolitan Hilarion emphasized that following the report of the Investigative Committee in June 2021 at a meeting of the Holy Synod, none of the bishops should have had any further doubts about the authenticity of the remains after the examinations.
The Bishops’ Council was scheduled to meet in Moscow 15th to 18th November 2021, however, this was postponed due to the COVID-19 situation in Russia. The Bishops’ Council will now convene from 26th to 29th May 2022.
“If the arguments in favour of the authenticity of the Ekaterinburg Remains prevail, then a final decision will be made,” Metropolitan Hilarion noted. He explained why a decision by the Holy Synod of the Russian Orthodox Church is important in this case. “If the Synod recognize the Ekaterinburg Remains as the remains of the Imperial Family, it means they are holy relics, it means they need to be venerated appropriately”.
Metropolitan Hilarion also said that the Council of Bishops will determine the final resting place of the Imperial family’s remains. It should be noted, that as Holy Relics, they cannot be returned to their tomb in St. Catherine’s Chapel [SS Peter and Paul Cathedral in St. Petersburg], as relics cannot be returned to the earth. They must be placed in reliquaries above ground which allows the faithful to venerate them.
In July 2020, the historical and archival examination, which was carried out as part of the investigation into the murder of the Imperial Family, confirmed the authenticity of the Ekaterinburg remains. Associate professor of the Historical Archive Institute of the Russian State Humanitarian University Evgeny Vladimirovich Pchelov, explained, genetics were involved in the identification of the remains. In addition, researchers analyzed over 2,000 historical documents: written sources, photographs, and audio recordings. The documents were collected from more than 15 Russian and foreign archives.
Vladimir Nikolaevich Soloviev, retired senior investigator and forensic expert at the Main Department of Criminalistics (Forensic Center) of the Investigative Committee of the Russian Federation, who from 1991 to 2015 led the investigation into the deaths of the Imperial Family, fully supports the decision of the Russian Church to recognize the Ekaterinburg Remains as authentic, considers it indisputable.
“I fully support this statement. I categorically say that these are the remains of the Imperial Family, geneticists told us with 100% accuracy,” Solovyov told Interfax on Saturday, commenting on the Russian Orthodox Church’s statement that there are no obstacles to recognizing the authenticity of the remains.
PHOTO: monuments to Lenin and Sverdlov in Ekaterinburg
The famous Russian sculptor Konstantin Vasilievich Grunberg has proposed replacing monuments of the Bolshevik leaders Vladimir Ulyanov (Lenin) and Yakov Sverdlov in Ekaterinburg with monuments to Emperor Alexander II (1818-1881) and *Empress Catherine I (1684-1727).
*Ekaterinburg was founded on 18th November 1723 and named after the Russian emperor Peter the Great’s wife, who after his death became Empress Catherine I, Yekaterina being the Russian form of her name.
Grunberg believes that by replacing the Bolshevik monuments will help solve the problem with city-planning concept. Although Ekaterinburg is called the capital of the Urals, little of the city’s history is reflected in the the center of Russia’s 4th largest city.
“Lenin’s monument should be removed from the 1905 Square, and in his place a bronze monument to Emperor Alexander II should be returned to its original pedestal” said Konstantin Grunberg.
In 1906, a monument to Alexander II [demolished by the Bolsheviks in 1917] was installed on Cathedral Square [renamed 1905 Square],near the Epiphany Cathedral [demolished by the Bolsheviks in 1930]. The monument to Lenin was installed on the site in the early 1950s.
Grunberg made the same proposal regarding the monument to Sverdlov [opened in 1927], which is situated on the Paris Commune Square in the middle of Lenin Avenue between the Ural Federal University and the Opera and Ballet Theater. The sculptor has proposed that a monument to Empress Catherine I would look more appropriate.
“Throw the monuments to Lenin and Sverdlov into a pit!” Grunberg suggested.
PHOTO: ‘You reap what you sow’ – local monarchists take revenge on the Bolshevik revolutionary and murderer Peter Zakharovich Yermakov (1884-1952), by dosing his grave with red paint symbolizing blood
Konstantin Grunberg also called for debunking the image of the revolutionary “hero” Pyotr Yermakov, who participated in the murder of the Imperial Family and whose grave is located in the cemetery next to the grave of the writer Pavel Bazhov. “People still bring flowers to his grave. We need to destroy this regicide’s grave!” the sculptor said.
Yermakov died in Sverdlovsk on 22 May 1952 from cancer at the age of 67 and was buried in Ivanovo Cemetery in Ekaterinburg.
In 1951, at a reception, which gathered all the local Party elite in Sverdlovsk, Yermakov approached Soviet Red Army General Georgy Zhukov [1896-1974] and held out his hand. Frowning in disgust Zhukov looked Yermakov in the eye, and muttered, “I do not shake the hands of the murderers.”
Yermakov’s Mauser revolver, which he alleges fired the fatal shot which ended the life of Russia’s last Tsar is preserved today in the Museum of History and Archaeology of the Urals in Ekaterinburg.
Every year, since the 1990s, Yermakov’s grave has been vandalized by local monarchists, who douse his gravestone with red paint.
The red paint symbolizes the blood which this evil man spilled, and his involvement in the brutal murder of Nicholas II and his family on 17th July 1918.
PHOTO: Grunberg’s monument to the Holy Royal Martyrs, Church on the Blood
Konstantin Vasilievich Grunberg [born in Sverdlovsk in 1944] is a famous Russian sculptor who has eight monuments to his credit. Among them is the sculptural composition of the Holy Royal Martyrs situated at the entrance to the Lower Church of the Church on the Blood in Ekaterinburg. The composition which was officially unveiled and consecrated on 28th May 2003, depicts the Imperial Family descending the 23 steps in the basement of the Ipatiev House, where they met their death and martyrdom on 17th July 1918.
Nicholas II 
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